Quote

'If the Arabs put down their weapons today, there would be no more violence. If the Jews put down their weapons today, there would be no more Israel ." Benjamin Netanyahu
First they came for the communists, and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a communist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a Jew. Then they came for me and there was no one left to speak out for me.

Introduction

"If I bring a sword upon a land, and the people of the land take one man from among them and make him their watchman, and he sees the sword coming upon the land and blows the trumpet and warns the people, then he who hears the sound of the trumpet and does not take warning, and a sword comes and takes him away, his blood will be on his own head.... But if the watchman sees the sword coming and does not blow the trumpet and the people are not warned, and a sword comes and takes a person from them, he is taken away in his inequity; but his blood I will require from the watchman's hand." Ezekiel 33:2b-6 I have not been appointed, but I feel the weight of the watchman, because I see the sword coming. How can I not warn the people?

Yuri Bezmenov
Uploaded by onmyway02.

Sunday, January 31, 2010

Federalist Papers Critique, Part 2

Concerning Danger From Foreign Force and Influence
by John Jay (Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs)

(As noted before, I am not a political analyst, nor am I the end all, tell all for the Federalist Papers. This is just my interpretation of what I think they are saying. Take it with a grain of salt.)

The question put before the American people will, by it's consequences become evident that it is very important. It is possibly the most important decision to ever engage their attention.

No one can argue that we need government. It's also undeniable that when government is put in place, the people will turn over some of their natural rights in order to vest those rights in the government. We should consider whether it be in the best interest of the people of America whether that should be under one nation or separate confederacies and give the head of each of those the said powers instead of one national government.

Up to now, it's been held that we should be united, and the wishes, prayers and efforts of our best and wisest citizens have been concentrated towards that effort. But now politicians are now saying that's wrong, and instead of looking for happiness in unity, we should split up into separate confederacies or sovereignities. No matter how this sounds, there are those that support it, and the numbers are growing. The arguments don't matter. Before you allow yourself to be swayed, make sure they're based on truth and sound policy.

(He looks on this country and notices that we aren't made up of individual distant territories, but on connected, fertile wide spreading country.) Providence (meaning God) blessed this land with a variety of soils and produce and streams and accommodations for it's inhabitants. A great variety of navigable streams form a chain around its borders as if to bind it together, while the most noble rivers in the world, running at convenient distance, make highways for transporting goods.

With equal pleasure, I've noticed Providence (God) seemed pleased to give this land to one united people - a people descended from the same ancestors, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in manners and customs and who have by fighting side by side established their general liberty and independence.

This country and this people seem to have been made for each other, and it appears to be designed by Providence (God). It seems our inheritance, for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest of ties, and we shouldn't be split into a number of unsocial, jealous and alien sovereignties.

This is a common sentiment among all orders and denominations of me among us. We're united in this thought. So far, we've been united as a people, enjoying the same national rights, privileges, and protection. As a nation we made peace and war; as a nation we have vanquished our common enemies; as a nation we have formed alliances, and made treaties and entered into various compacts and conventions with foreign states.

A strong sense of value and blessings of union caused the people, at a very early period, to set up a federal government to preserve and keep it going. They formed it almost as soon as they had a political existence, even while their houses were still in flames, while their people were still bleeding, before hostilities were even over. Starting a government before hostilities are over doesn't leave much room for calm and mature inquiries and reflections for the formation of a wise and well-balanced government for a free people. It's no wonder that under such unfavorable conditions that a government started would be deficient and inadequate for the purpose it was intended to answer.

There were intelligent people who realized this and regretted these defects. So, still no less attached to union, than loving liberty, they saw the danger that threatened the former (union) and more remotely the latter (liberty), and being persuaded that security for both could only be found in a national government wisely framed, they met in Philadelphia to consider that subject.

This convention was composed of men who possessed the confidence of the people and many of who had become highly distinguished by their patriotism, virtue and wisdom, in times which tried the minds and hearts of men. In a mild season of peace, with minds unoccupied by other subjects, they passed many months in cool, uninterrupted, and daily consultation; and finally, without having been awed by power or influenced by any passions except love for their country, they presented and recommended to the people the plan produced by their joint and very unanimous councils.

And that's why it is recommended, and not imposed. It is not recommended that you throw it out blindly, nor accept it blindly, but that you give it the magnitude and sedate consideration and importance of the subject it demands, and which it ought to receive. But, it's been already remarked, that it is more wished than expected that it may be so considered and examined. Experience has taught us on more than one occasion that it is a high hope. Let's not forget it was the fear of imminent danger that brought the people of America to form the memorable Congress of 1774. That body recommended certain measures to their constituents, and the event proved their wisdom; yet the press tore them apart and wrote against those very measures. Not only many of the officers of government, who obeyed the dictates of personal interest, but others, because they thought they'd be caught up in consequences, due to old attachments or whose ambition aimed at objects which did not correspond with the public good, were untiring in their efforts to persuade the people to reject the advice of patriotic Congress. Many were deceived and deluded, but the great majority of the people reasoned and decided judiciously; and happy they are in reflecting that they did so.

They considered that the Congress was composed of many wise and experienced men. They would be from different parts of the country, brought together and communicated to each other a variety of useful information. That, in the course of time they passed together in inquiring into and discussing the true interests of their country, they must have acquired accurate knowledge in the head. That they were individually interested in the public liberty and prosperity, and therefore that it was not less their inclination than their duty to recommend only such measures as, after mature deliberation, they really thought prudent and advisable.

These and similar considerations made the people rely greatly on the judgement and integrity of the Congress; they began to take their advice no matter the various arts and endeavors used to deter and dissuade them from it. But, if the people at large had reason to have confidence in the men of that congress, when they weren't fully tried or known, they have more reason now. They are even older now and have grown in political knowledge and proved their patriotism and are members of this convention and carry their acquired knowledge and experience.

It is worthy of remark that not only the first, but every succeeding Congress as well as the late convention have invariably joined with the people in thinking that America's prosperity is linked to it's being a Union. The reason of the convention was to keep it a union. What good purpose is it to depreciate, or make it of less importance? Why would you even suggest that three or four confederacies would be better than one? I am persuaded in my own mind that the people have always been right on this subject, and their attachment to the cause of the union rests on great and weighty reasons which I shall try to develop and explain in later papers. They who proclaim the substituting a number of distinct confederacies on the table as a plan for the convention to consider seem to foresee that the rejection of it would put the continuance of the Union in the utmost jeopardy. That certainly would be the case and I wish every good citizen would see that if the dissolution of the Union arrives, America will have reason to exclaim, in the words of the poet:

FAREWELL! A LONG FAREWELL TO ALL MY GREATNESS.

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